PUNJAB UNDER THE GREAT MUGHALS

PUNJAB UNDER THE GREAT MUGHALS
HINDU RESISTANCE AND DATT RULE IN PANIAD
By R. T. MOHAN
After the battle of Panipat, Babur could not pay his full attention to the affairs of the Punjab as anarchy was prevalent everywhere beyond Delhi and Agra. He appointed Mir Yusaf Ali, a trusted and experienced general as the governor of Punjab.
The Qazi of Samana represented to the governor about the depredations wrought by Mohan Mandahar, a Hindu chief near Kaithal. Mir Yusaf Ali dispatched a commander at the head of three thousand horsemen to crush the Hindu chief. Due to the intensity of cold, the royal archers were unable to pull their bows and thus could not withstand the onslaught of the rural folk of Mohan Mandahar, who had been warming themselves besides the village fire. The governor sent fresh reinforcements under two officers to attack the Mandahars, who were resting on their oars and making merry. The Mandahars suffered a crushing defeat. A tower was erected of the heads of those who were killed in this encounter to terrify other dissidents. To this day the village, which is in Kaithal Tehsil of Karnal District remains deserted.
Datts of Paniad
Another similar incident occurred in 1527. Raja Meen was ruling over an area near Gurdaspur. Rai Pun Dewan, a stalwart of Datt Mohyal caste, attacked Rai Meen and killed him in the battle. After capturing more territory in the vicinity, Rai Pun founded his capital, and fort, at Paniad – situated between the present day Gurdaspur and Deenanagar. Datt families that took part in this battle were known as Meen Gatai. Receiving the news of Rai Meen’s distress the Emperor Babar deputed his governor at Lahore to take action against the Datts at Paniad. After a couple of unsuccessful attempts by the royal forces, Datts capitulated. Rai Pun was allowed to continue to rule the area as feudatory of the Mughal government, after the terms were settled. This is based on the following ballads (Kavits):
(1) Virwar ke roz Datt Paniyar jo sadhe, Raja meen ko mar phir ran men jo gade;
On Thursday, the Datts sallied forth to Paniyar and slaying Raja Meen walked victors over the field.
(2) Dharu shamsher jo khet men Rai Pun Dewan Sab shatru ko mar ke utre bich maidan;
Dewan Rai Pun with sword unsheathed slaying his enemies, encamped in the battle field.
(3) Utre bich maidan Qila Bhupat nar Sadhiyo, Pharkan dhwaja nishan nam sunkar khas bhagiyo;
When he conquered the fort Bhupat Nar, and his victorious flag fight unfurled, it was signal for the enemy to turn its face and flee.
(4) Rund mund tarpat phira khet kai durjan sati, Rai Pun Dewan ji ran charhen;
When Rai Pun Dewan in battle array, into the field did bound, the corpses of the enemy strewed the crimson ground.
(5) Raja meen ki gati ki bat gai sab thaur, Khabar bhai badshah ko chauki bhai Lahore;
No sooner was the plight of Raja Meen rumoured, than the royal forces marched towards Lahore and encamped there.
(6) Madad Raja Meen ki dili ke Badshah, Ghazi Maldev ke nam par chariho Babar Shah;
To assist Raja Meen the king of Delhi, Babar Shah marched against Maldev.
(7) Chahriho Babar Shah nam Dattan ka sunkar, Pakar teg ran phir gai Shahan ke mukh par;
The king Babar Shah hearing the name of Datts, Sallied forth sword in hand, the latter with sword unsheathed were ready to oppose.
Datts could not rule there in peace for too long. The Muslim subedar had developed a liking for a young girl, daughter of Govind Ram Marwaha of Khatri caste, and wanted her in his harem. This was a common occurrence during Muslim rule. The father of the girl who was being harassed requested the subedar that she was his only daughter and he should be given some time to make suitable arrangements for marriage. The subedar allowed this and vigilance over Gobind Ram was relaxed. Finding an opportunity, the Khatri brought his daughter to the Hindu state of Datts at Paniad and sent her in the palace. When Rai Pun came in the evening his mother explained the situation to him. He told his mother that it was his duty to extend protection to the girl who had sought protection under him but the situation spelled doom. Subedar sent his messengers to Paniad asking for the girl to be surrendered to him otherwise disastrous reprisals would follow. Rai Pun refused to comply. The subedar sent complaints against Rai Pun and secured royal permission for action against him. A large force was deployed against Paniad but it was repulsed by Datts on each occasion because of their strong fort. One day when Datts were gathered in a nearby field of cotton crop and celebrating, a paid informer told the agents of the subedar, whose forces swooped in full force. In the ensuing battle the unarmed Datts were mercilessly killed. Those found in the fort were also slaughtered while the womenfolk committed sati. (Jhelum District Gazeteer, 1905, p. 121)
“In this tragic battle, Datt clan of Paniad was annihilated to the last man except for two minor boys, named Shah Sarup and Dholan, who had been visiting the family of their maternal grandfather at Sambha, near Jammu. The horrible episode at Paniad so much touched the susceptibilities of Datts that their future generations never touched any food in Paniad nor spent a night there. As the carnage took place on a Thursday, that day of the week is considered inauspicious by the devout Datts and they do not wash their clothes or start any new project on that day. The Marwaha community, on its part, has forever felt beholden to the Datts for the classical suffering undergone by them just to redeem the honour of one of their damsels”.
“The Mohyal instinct of vowing fidelity to a friend was vouchsafed by their sacrifices for the Prophet of Islam, for the injustices of Karbala. Their trait of Samaritan chivalry came in the fore, while safeguarding the chastity of a distressful non-Mohyal girl, in the horror of Paniad.” The awkward situation in which Gobind Ram Marwaha was placed was a commonplace occurrence. But not every non-Mohyal Hindu had the courage to court annihilation for this indignity, among many others to which Hindus were subjected.
Babur did not live to consolidate his conquests in India. He died in 1530. According to his father’s advice, Himayun was liberal in apportioning responsibilities to his brothers instead of the Timuri custom of settling succession through fratricide. This was virtually partitioning of the Mughal Empire. The power of Afghans had not been destroyed and Himayun lost the whole of the eastern territory of the empire to Sher Shah Suri and withdrew to Lahore – with Sher Shah in pursuit. Instead of putting up a joint fight, the three brothers fled in different directions: Himayun retired towards Sindh, Hindal towards Multan through a different route and Kamran towards Kabul. Sher Shah sent parties to chase away the fleeing princes. He himself proceeded towards Bhera and thence to Khushab, where he halted. The Mughals could come back to reclaim their empire and their entry would be from Kabul, through Punjab. For the defence of Punjab, it was necessary to secure the strategic strip, roughly between Bhera and Attock, so that the invaders could be checked there, and meanwhile adequate defence organized, before they reached the plains of Punjab. This strategic territory was inhabited by the Khokhars (and incidentally also by the Mohyals). Hathi Khokhar of Pharawala (in Rawal Pindi District) was the first native chief of Punjab to give a tough fight to Babur. After this the Khokhars remained on amicable terms with Babar and Himayun.
While encamped at Khushab, Sher Shah invited Sultan Sarang and Sultan Adam, the chiefs of the Khokhar tribe, to submit to his authority. These chiefs declined the invitation with insulting impudence. Sher Shah then marched upon the Khokhars and inflicted terrible punishment. Sarang Khan had his residence in the hills of Balanath in the Salt Range – where Trilochanapala Vaid also had his capital Nandana, that had been attacked by Mahmud Ghaznavi in 1014. Sarang Khan was captured and ordered to be flayed alive and his skin to be filled with straw. The whole country of the Khokhars was subdued. The ancient town of Bhera, then situated on the right side of river Jhelum, was completely destroyed and razed to the ground. The place is now identified by a large mound, called Bhurarian, under the protection of Department of Archeological Survey. Sher Shah next selected a strategic location in the hilly area on the bank of river Jhelum and constructed a strong fort there. When garrisoned it could keep the Khokhar population under check and block the passage of an invading force from Kabul. He called it Rohtas after the name of a major fort in Bihar. Sher Shah and later his son Islam Shah remained busy in dealing with the rebellions throughout the kingdom, including Punjab. For two years (1548-50) Islam Shah carried fire and sword into the Khokhar country but failed to subdue the indomitable tribe that had sheltered a rebel. He also toyed with the idea of completely destroying the capital town of Lahore, as his father had done about Bhera. This was the medieval version of scorched-earth policy.
Bhera-Rohtas and its environs was the traditional heartland of the Mohyal habitat – which they shared with the Khokhars. Mohyals must have suffered grievously from this wanton destruction by foreign colonialists vying for supremacy: not a soul or a hut survived at Bhera, for example. And this was not a one-time occurrence. For almost one millennium wild tribes continued to descend upon India, after the bulwark of defence offered by the Mohyals ceased to exist from c. 1014.
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Mohammad Adil Shah (1554-56), the last king of Sur dynasty was weak and incompetent to wield the scepter of sovereignty. But he did one wise thing. He appointed Hemu, a very capable person as his Prime Minister (Wazir) and Chief of Army.
Hemchandra (Hemu of Muslim historians), was born to a priest, Purandas of Dhausar Bhargave community in 1501 near Rewari. He first came to the notice of Islam Shah who entrusted him with progressively more important duties in the administration. Adil Shah also recognized Hemu’s worth. Due to the weakness of the Sultan there were military upheavals in different parts of the empire which rocked its foundations. Hemu won all battles – 22 in all, sometimes against heavy odds – wherever he was sent by the Sultan to quell the rebellions by Afghan chiefs against the Sur regime. Despite these efforts, the empire was virtually divided into four main divisions: Bengal under Sham-ud-din Muhammad Shah; Punjab under Sikandar Shah; and Delhi and Agra under Ibrahim Shah, each vying for the kingly title against Sultan Adil Shah who held the territories from Bihar to the vicinity of Agra. Not satisfied with Punjab alone, Sikandar marched against Ibrahim and took possession of both Delhi and Agra. This hostility and rivalry provided a perfect opportunity for Himayun, who was in Kabul, for the recovery of his lost possessions in India.
Reconquest by Himayun
With his army from Kabul, Himayun moved to the banks of the Indus on December 31, 1554. Ironically, the Afghan governor abandoned the fort of Rohtas and retired towards Delhi afraid of the joint might of the Mughals and the Khokhars – who remained neutral on this occasion. Sikandar Sur also retreated from Lahore and Humayun reached Lahore on February 24, 1555. But the situation was not comfortable and Delhi was still a distant goal. Humayun died and Akbar was hastily enthroned at Kalanaur over a hastily constructed brick platform on February 14, 1556, at the age of thirteen. His army had a precarious hold on certain tracts of the Punjab. There were a number of Hindu states, for example, Kangra under Dharam Chand Katoch, Siba under Prag Chand, Nurpur under Takht Mal, Chamba under Ganesh Verman, Suket under Arjan Sen and Mandi under Saheb Sen. The strongest of these Hindu states was Kangra. There were also the states of Jammu, Mankot, Jasrota and Basholi. This part of the group of states was primarily Hindu in which Jammu under Kapur Dev occupied a very important place. And of course Sikandar Shah and other Afghan chiefs were in occupation of several tracts, apart from Khakh, Bimba and Khokhar tribes (who had by then converted to Islam in large numbers) under the hegemony of the Kashmir ruler Ghazi Khan. One wonders whether any of these states, in the vicinity of the Mohyal habitat, was under a Mohyal chief. While there is a strong possibility, it is difficult to investigate.
Sikandar Shah and other Afghan chiefs continued their skirmishes with the Mughals in Punjab. After the victory of Himayun over Sikandar Shah in July 1955, the Mughals regained control over Punjab, Delhi and Agra, after a lapse of 15 years. Hem Chandra was in Bengal on behalf of Adal Shah when Himayun died. He came by rapid marches through the present day Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Iskandar Khan Uzbeg, the commander of Mughal forces at Agra fled after hearing about the arrival of Hem Chandra who readied himself for the next assault on Delhi. Tardi Beg Khan, the Mughal governor at Delhi, wrote to Bairam Khan for additional forces to defend Delhi. All Mughal commanders in the vicinity rushed there but Bairam Khan and Akbar remained safely in Punjab. Sir Jadu Nath Sirkar has provided details about the battle for Delhi fought at Tughlaqabad, which show the skill of Hem Chandra as a consummate military commander. According to Akbar Nama of Abu-l-Fazl, Tardi Bag Khan, the governor of Delhi, “chose the ignominy of flight.” Hemu won Delhi on October 6, 1556, after a day’s battle.
Hindu ruler on the throne of Delhi
Hem Chandra was crowned at Purana Quilla on October 7, 1556, in the presence of all the Afghan Sardars and Hindu commanders. The festivities continued for three or four days. The Afghan rulers and Rajput Rajas were invited for the celebrations. According to Abul Fazl in Akbarnama, after conquering Delhi Hem Chandra planned to attack and win Kabul. He made several changes in his army including the recruitment of many Hindus, but without the dismissal of any Afghan. On getting the news of fall of Delhi, Akbar marched towards Delhi. When he reached the vicinity of Sirhind , the three fugitive Mughal governors of Agra, Delhi and Sambhal joined Akbar and advised him to retreat to Kabul – such was the scare of Hemu’s might. But Bairam Khan decided to risk all in an attempt to recover Delhi. [During pre-Independence period, in the history textbooks in schools, Hem Chandra was mentioned as ‘Hemu Baqaal’: in Persin/Urdu Baqaal means jackal. One has remembered it because of this funny sounding word. This is an example, how history was perverted by the rulers. R. T. MOHAN].
Second Battle of Panipat.
Akbar advanced from Sirhind to decide the issue by force of arms and sent a strong chosen force in advance. Hem Chandra also hastened to oppose him. His artillery which had been sent in advance was captured by the vanguard of the Mughal force in a preliminary engagement. Hem Chandra arrived at Panipat on November 5, 1556. The generals of Akbar also arrayed their troops but Bairam Khan detained Akbar eight miles away from the battle field. Hem Chandra’s army managed to envelope Akbar’s forces and threw its both wings into confusion. He then attempted to decide the fate of the day by leading against the centre with his fifteen hundred elephants on which he chiefly relied. The Mughals also fought valiantly but were just about to give way when a stray arrow struck Hem Chandra in the eye and made him unconscious. His army, presuming that their leader was dead, was panic stricken and made no further effort to resist. Thus ended the career of one of the most remarkable persons of sixteenth century. The defeat of Hem Chandra was accidental and the victory of Akbar providential.
Through the pages of history we have observed, again and again, how at the cusp of victory the Hindus lost because their Raja, sitting conspicuously on a very large elephant and leading from the front, was hit accidently by a stray arrow (Jay Chand of Kanauj in 1194 and Hem Chandra in 1556); or his elephant became unruly (King Dahar of Sindh in 712 and the Shahi prince near Peshawar in 1008). When the Raja was not visible his forces thought he was dead, and scattered. In all these cases their Muslim opponent watched and directed his own forces from a safe distance. Our weakness was not the elephants versus the horses: the elephants played their role and all Muslim adversaries strived to collect elephants for themselves. It was the chivalry of Hindu Rajas that they wanted to lead from the front on the battlefield, unmindful of the results of risks to their own lives. On all these occasions (Hem Chandra included) the intrepid bravery of these martyrs has been recorded by their adversaries. The course of history would have been different if these Hindu Rajas had been more careful about their personal safety – for the sake of their subjects, and their own families.

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AKBAR
Akbar had reclaimed the Mughal throne but the kingdom had yet to be secured. He shook off the tutelage of Bairam Khan in 1560 and could discipline him when Bairam Khan turned rebel. Akbar’s step brother, Muhammad Hakim Mirza invaded Punjab from Kabul in 1566. Plundering Bhera on his way, he besieged Lahore but it was defended bravely. While Akbar was marching towards Lahore, rebellion broke out in Uttar Pradesh from Sambhal to Jaunpur. But stars were in Akbar’s favour.
Akbar next decided to conquer the Hindu state of Kangra. He ordered that its ruler Raja Jai Chand be taken into custody and sent to Delhi (1572). He bestowed the still-to-be-conquered fort of Nagarkot on Birbal. Big cannons were also brought up but despite all efforts by imperial forces only outer fortifications of Nagarkot could be taken. Bidhi Chand, the son of Raja Jai Chand, led his Rajputs with typical heroism. Rajputs stood with indomitable courage and performed great feats of valour. There was a temple of highly venerated goddess Mahamai in the citadel of Bhul conquered by the invaders. The Brahmanas who had been in the service of the temple and two hundred black cows, which had been left in the temple by Hindus as offerings, were slaughtered. Muslim soldiers threw their shoes full of blood at the walls and doors of the temple.
News was received that Mohammad Hakim Khan was about to again invade India. When the advance-party of Kabul troops crossed the Indus, the governor of Rohtas loyally supported by the great Khokhars, showed zest and energy in offering resistance. In February 1581 Hakim arrived and laid siege to Lahore which was bravely defended by Raja Bhagwan Das, Man Singh and others. Hakim returned deeply disappointed at lack of local support. Concerned about the gravity of the situation in this region, Akbar came to Punjab with a large force and moved on to organize defences on the frontier. At Attock he laid the foundations of a strong fort, which he named Attock-Banaras to rhyme with Cuttock-Banaras, the fort at the farthest eastern limit of his empire in Orissa. The force moved on and Kabul was taken but Mirza Muhammad Hakim was pardoned by Akbar and reinstated on the throne of Kabul.
In view of the continual turbulence in Kabul and Kashmir, Akbar made Lahore the capital of India and stayed there for fourteen years (1585-1598). From Lahore the Emperor conducted military operations against Kashmir, planned wars with North-East Afghanistan and undertook conquest of Sindh and Qandahar.
Jahangir
Jahangir succeeded Akbar in 1605. The most important event in the history of Punjab during the rule of Jahangir was the fall of Kangra fort. The campaign was led by Raja Bikramajit. Many forts of Hindu rulers in the vicinity were also destroyed in the process. After surrounding from all sides the fort of Kangra was besieged and the siege lasted for four months. It was finally captured on November 16, 1620 after a breach was made.
Jahangir was very eager to visit the Kangra fort which was styled as impregnable and no Muslim sovereign of India had been able to conquer it. He visited the fort in the company of orthodox Muslim divines and the Chief Qazi. He ordered all ceremonies to be carried out according to Muslim law to mark the unprecedented victory. The Khutba was read in the name of Jahangir. A bull was slaughtered in the fort for the first time and an order was issued for a mosque to be built within the fort. The prized acquisition of this Hindu citadel seemed to have overwhelmed Jahangir. Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, was also tortured and killed as ordered by Jahangir.
Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb
Religious policy towards the Hindu subjects, who were in an overwhelming majority, was central to the consolidation and continuance of Mughal rule in India. Akbar understood that Himayun had lost the kingdom in India because the Hindus did not rise to support the Mughals although they had been oppressed and humiliated by the previous Sultans of Delhi. Very wisely Akbar tried to follow a comparatively liberal policy of religious tolerance towards the Rajputs – and the Hindus. This paid dividends in consolidating his empire, with the Rajputs in the vanguard of his armies.
His successors – Jahangir and Shah Jahan – gradually drifted away from these liberal policies though they continue to shine in the historical accounts, basking in the after-glow of Akbar’s glory. Shah Jahan re-set the trend towards Islamisation of the state. This came to full growth during the reign of Aurangzeb, and the liberal trend of Akbar’s times was totally reversed. Aurangzeb was a devout Muslim. He tried to make Islam as the State religion of India and to govern in accordance with Shria (Muslim law), which does not permit any accommodation with the non-believers (non-Muslims). A countrywide conversion drive was let loose with concentrated fury at certain points. As a result of this the Mughal Empire was socially disrupted, with universal loss of sympathy on the part of Hindus.
The Mughal political system was based on despotic militarism. The Great Mughals continued the policy of uninterrupted territorial expansion, which needed constant supply of more funds. After Akbar’s death increased burdens were laid on the (Hindu) peasantry. The magnificence of Shah Jahan’s reign was founded on this increased exploitation. This continued till the times of Aurangzeb who remained engaged in ceaseless warfare. In this way the crown alienated the support of the most numerous class of its subjects. The phenomenal success of the Marathas in the South, rebellions by the Bundelas and the Jats and consolidation of power by the Sikhs in Punjab was largely due to their receiving support from the oppressed peasantry of these regions, which was seething with discontent.
By the time Aurangzeb died, the process of disintegration and dismemberment had set in. The Mughal Empire had expanded to unmanageable proportions. It was impossible to control the large territory with resources and means then available. Like the funds, the supply of officers of the right caliber was falling short of the demand. The nobles in the court were greedy and inefficient, busy in small intrigues to secure the best offices for themselves or their protégés.
Under Aurangzeb the Mughal Empire was the largest in extent. Its accumulated wealth had not yet been pillaged by a Nadir Shah or Ahmad Shah Abdali. But the Mughal dynasty failed to produce capable heirs. What were the thoughts of this Great Mughal, Aurangzeb, at death’s door steps who, it is stated, had tried to govern according to his religious beliefs? He was of course tormented by the thoughts of Timuri tradition of deciding the issue of succession through fratricide, which he had himself practiced, like his predecessors. His letter written from death bed (1707) is pathetic and touching. Here he repents but too late for his past sins and crimes. Some extracts:
I came alone in this world and I go a stranger (to the next world) …. I was devoid of administrative (tact) and care for the welfare of the people. (My) dear life has been spent in vain …. The whole (royal) army (in the Deccan) is confused and confounded. The army is restless like me, who have selected loneliness from God (i.e. who will not be accepted by God in paradise), and who am in perturbation, and who am restless like mercury …. I did not bring anything with me (in this world, i.e., I came naked), (but now) I carry (with me) the fruits of sin (in the next world). I do not know in what punishment I shall be involved (there) …. Though (my) subjects will be protected by God, it is necessary for (my) sons to cast their eyes on outward circumstances that the people of God (i.e., subjects) and (especially) the Mohemadans may not be killed unjustly….